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We love death as you love life.

In the podcast

between Sam Harris and Douglas Murray.  Murray tells of how the guards at the gate of the 1983 Beirut army comopound told of the beatific smile of the driver of a suicide lorry driving through the gates to fulfull his mission which he achieved in blowing up 241 soldiers and of course, himself.

Other tales were of soldiers in Afghanistan crying when their comrades had fallen, not because they were dead or mutilitated, apparently this wailing was out of envy that they, the fallen, had gone to 'Paradise' and the tearful were still living.
which bringss one to a consideration of the possibillity that others love death more than us pitiable uunbelievers love life.

'We love death as you  you love life.' Britain’s Suburban Terrorists by Raffaello Pantucci
Hurst, 377 pp, £15.99, March, ISBN 978 1 84904 165 2

Owen Bennet Jones writes
of a fact that needs explanation it is more British Muslims are fighting for Islamic State than for the British army demands an explanation.  I should cocoa.

He writes of how the goalposts are moving and how Blair, 'it is odd to deny that Islam was the central element in terrorism, and Cameron  'some Muslims who reject violence nonetheless have anti-Semitic views, are hostile towards Western democracy and share the ultimate goal of ‘an entire Islamist realm, governed by an interpretation of sharia’. The existence of such a mindset, Cameron argued, is the first step on the ladder that leads some to violent jihad. And then in July Cameron moved another step closer to Blair: ‘Simply denying any connection between the religion of Islam and the extremists doesn’t work,’ he said.
It isn’t just politicians who are adjusting their positions. A Channel 4 poll shortly after 7/7 found that nearly a quarter of British Muslims didn’t believe that the four men identified as the London bombers were responsible for the attacks, and a similar number thought the government or the security services were involved. Such attitudes of denial have often been on display in the obligatory post-atrocity TV interviews of the relatives of violent jihadists. When Mahmood Hussain, the father of one of the 7/7 bombers, learned that his son was missing and had been filmed with the other conspirators, he responded: ‘No one has shown me any evidence that he did it.’

As jihadist violence has become more common, parents have become more willing to accept that their offspring were involved. A typical recent reaction came from the family of 17-year-old Talha Asmal, Britain’s youngest suicide bomber, who blew himself up earlier this year as part of an Islamic State assault on an oil refinery in Iraq. Talha’s parents accepted that their son had done it, but added: ‘Talha was a loving, kind, caring and affable teenager. He never harboured any ill will against anybody nor did he ever exhibit any violent, extreme or radical views of any kind.’ This seems to ignore some rather important developments in his thinking.

Common ground between British Muslims and the old multicultural, anti-racist elements of the left is bolstered by the fact that British Muslims tend to be socially and economically disadvantaged, opposed to modern forms of Western imperialism and to vote Labour.

Pantucci’s description of the jihadi plots that have been hatched in the UK concentrates on the question of what causes radicalisation in the first place. With the usual caveat that no single explanation seems adequate, he offers the analogy of a fruit machine. A jihadist recruiter looking for a new volunteer hits the jackpot when three drivers – ideology, grievance and mobilisation – all come together at the same time.

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